Monday, May 29, 2006
We sit and watch umbrellas flyI'm trying to keep my newspaper dryI hear myself say,"my boat's leaving now"...so we shake hands and cryNow i must wave goodbyeWave goodbyeWave goodbyeWave goodbyeWave goodbyeWave goodbyeYou knowI don't want to cry againI don't want to cry againDon't want to say goodbyeI don't want to cry againI don't want to run awayDon't want to race this painI'll never see your face againOh but howHow can you sayThat i didn't try...You see things in the depths of my eyesThat may love's run dryNo...We leave to their goodbyesI've come to depend on the look in their eyesMy blood's sweet for painThe wind and the rain bring back words of a songAnd they say: wave goodbyeWave goodbyeWave goodbyeWave goodbyeWave goodbyeWave goodbyeBut you knowI don't want to fall againDon't want to look this painDon't want another friendDon't want to try againDon't want to see you hurtDon't let me see you hurtI don't want to cry againI'll never see your face againHow can you sayThat i didn't tryYou know i didYou see things in the depths of my eyesThat my love's run dry...so i read to myself:A chance of a lifetime to see new horizonsOn the front pageA black and white pictureOf manhattan skyline
aye dharti , mujhe sametle aapni god mein,
thak sa chuka huun mein,
tanha mein raha huun,
aapne aanchal se dhak de mujhe.
har gujarta din ,
mujhse yeh kehraha hai,
gulistaan nahi , kabristaa hain yeh,
amrit pila pila kar,
khud zeher ke,
kadve ghunt pi pi kar,
marr sa chuka huun mein.
kaante ye chunte chunte ,
gir pada huun mein,
mujhe aapni julfoon ki,
beintehan mohabaat ,
mein sula de.
thak sa chuka huun mein,
tanha mein raha huun,
aapne aanchal se dhak de mujhe.
har gujarta din ,
mujhse yeh kehraha hai,
gulistaan nahi , kabristaa hain yeh,
amrit pila pila kar,
khud zeher ke,
kadve ghunt pi pi kar,
marr sa chuka huun mein.
kaante ye chunte chunte ,
gir pada huun mein,
mujhe aapni julfoon ki,
beintehan mohabaat ,
mein sula de.
Friday, May 26, 2006
Diluting Mandal by S. S. Gill
The move to extend reservation to the poor among the forward castes not only goes against the basic concept of affirmative action, it also violates the spirit of the Constitution.
IT WAS in December 1980 that members of the Mandal Commission, and I as its Secretary, trooped into the office of Zail Singh, then Home Minister, and presented our report to him. As we came out of the secretariat, B. P. Mandal, our chairman, told me, " I know how much labour has gone into the writing of this report. But let me tell you that today we have performed its immersion (visarjan) ceremony". And truly, for the next 10 years, the report lay in the Home Ministry's dusty vaults.
Then all of a sudden, V. P. Singh, as Prime Minister, opened the lid in 1990, and the Mandal Commission report became the single-most heated topic of controversy and discussion. There was total confusion in the national political arena and Mr. Singh was accused of indulging in the worst form of opportunism. No major political party supported the move. In fact, the BJP saw it as a serious threat to its `upper' caste constituency, and L. K. Advani, now Deputy Prime Minister, marched towards Ayodhya in his chariot to uphold `dharma'.
Those were days of high tension and emotions. The polity was in turmoil. Old power equations were dissolving and new ones emerging. The logic of numbers suddenly brought OBC leaders into prominence and every political party turned a votary of Mandal. Never before had the Indian political scene undergone the sort of sea change it did during the decade following the implementation of the Mandal report.
On the face of it, the radical change in the political landscape of the country marks the setting right of ancient historical wrongs. Or does it? In fact, to some extent, the Mandal Commission report was `demandalised' during the very process of its implementation. Of the dozen or so recommendations, only one pertaining to reservation was picked up, as it had the highest visibility and attracted immediate attention. More far-reaching recommendations regarding structural changes in the land-tenurial system, and institutional reforms for the educational and economic uplift of the OBCs were not even noticed. The attention thus got focussed on the fruits rather than the roots and branches of the tree of affirmative action.
Whereas the objective of the Mandal Commission report was the creation of a more egalitarian society, this selective and populist approach introduced an element of inequality among the OBCs themselves. If equal attention had been paid to strengthening the roots and branches of the tree of social justice and the base of the deprived sections of the society strengthened by undertaking structural reforms, it would have resulted in fortifying them from within instead of perennially making them dependant on the crutch of reservation.
And who were the main beneficiaries of this provision? Only the better off among the OBCs — the so-called creamy layer — who already had access to good educational facilities and could outperform their lesser privileged peers at competitive examinations within the reserved quota. This deepened the divide among the OBCs, as those who were already at the top of their community cornered the plum jobs and those at the bottom were left further behind.
At a deeper level, mandalisation was supposed to empower the deprived by giving them access to political power. This has happened in a limited way, as evidenced by the the manner in which every political party is wooing the OBCs by promising them all sorts of concessions. But even this process of empowerment is seriously flawed. Most of the positions of power have been cornered only by a couple of backward castes, and the really deprived communities have been left high and dry. Moreover, instead of identifying themselves with their impoverished communities, the OBC leaders who have risen to the top have adopted the lifestyle and value system of the `upper' castes against whom they had agitated all along. One would have expected these leaders to introduce a new political culture of austerity and self-denial, and adopt a lifestyle which projects them as role-models for the deprived members of their own community. But just the reverse has happened. The dispossessed have the highest stake in democracy, as it is their only hope. But instead of strengthening the Panchayati Raj institutions at the grassroots, the OBC and Dalit leaders are propagating a feudal culture and exclusivist tendencies. Their entire crusade was against the divisive caste system, and they should have tried to build inter-community bridges to eliminate caste hierarchies. But they have created vested interests in narrow caste loyalties to serve personal ends.
It was also hoped that both the Dalits and the OBCs, being victims of the same caste system, would join hands and form a powerful alliance to secure political power and wield it to improve the lot of their historically disadvantaged castes. But the pursuit of narrower personal ends has produced just the opposite result. There exits a lot of antagonism and ill will between these two sections.
But the latest episode in the `demandalisation' drama is being enacted now with the farcical proposals to reserve seats for the economically weaker sections among the `upper' castes. Whereas the Rajasthan Chief Minister wants reservation for the poor among the forward castes, the BJP has upstaged him by not only proposing to constitute a national commission for this purpose, but also by promising to extend them to Muslims. This move not only goes against the basic concept of affirmative action, it also violates the spirit of the Constitution.
Reservation for the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the OBCs has been made under Article 15 (4) of the Constitution which empowers the state to make any "special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes". Now, social backwardness is a structural disability linked to one's caste, and does not vary from generation to generation. Even a rich Dalit suffers from social stigma. But economic backwardness within the same family may vary from time to time. There are any number of rags-to-riches and riches-to-rags stories. Unlike social and educational backwardness, there is no criterion to determine economic backwardness, which is, in any case, a relative term. More importantly, the Constitution does not provide for reservation of jobs for the economically backward. After all, billions of rupees under the Five Year Plans are spent every year for the eradication of poverty and the benefits accrue to all the poor people, including those among the `upper' castes. Of course, Article 16 (4) empowers the State to make job reservation for "any backward class citizens... not adequately represented in the services under the state". But is it anyone's case that the forward castes as a whole are not adequately represented in the services?
But such are the compulsions of blind pursuit of power sans principles that politicians pay scant attention to facts, law or the Constitution, or the social implications of their tactics, if it serves their immediate goal. Look at the latest Government ploy of adding new castes to the Central OBC lists of eight States. As the percentage of people living below poverty line has halved since the implementation of the Mandal report, it should have led to the progressive exclusion of the beneficiary castes from the OBC list. But, defying all logic, the Government has repeatedly enlarged this list, mostly on the eve of elections.
IT WAS in December 1980 that members of the Mandal Commission, and I as its Secretary, trooped into the office of Zail Singh, then Home Minister, and presented our report to him. As we came out of the secretariat, B. P. Mandal, our chairman, told me, " I know how much labour has gone into the writing of this report. But let me tell you that today we have performed its immersion (visarjan) ceremony". And truly, for the next 10 years, the report lay in the Home Ministry's dusty vaults.
Then all of a sudden, V. P. Singh, as Prime Minister, opened the lid in 1990, and the Mandal Commission report became the single-most heated topic of controversy and discussion. There was total confusion in the national political arena and Mr. Singh was accused of indulging in the worst form of opportunism. No major political party supported the move. In fact, the BJP saw it as a serious threat to its `upper' caste constituency, and L. K. Advani, now Deputy Prime Minister, marched towards Ayodhya in his chariot to uphold `dharma'.
Those were days of high tension and emotions. The polity was in turmoil. Old power equations were dissolving and new ones emerging. The logic of numbers suddenly brought OBC leaders into prominence and every political party turned a votary of Mandal. Never before had the Indian political scene undergone the sort of sea change it did during the decade following the implementation of the Mandal report.
On the face of it, the radical change in the political landscape of the country marks the setting right of ancient historical wrongs. Or does it? In fact, to some extent, the Mandal Commission report was `demandalised' during the very process of its implementation. Of the dozen or so recommendations, only one pertaining to reservation was picked up, as it had the highest visibility and attracted immediate attention. More far-reaching recommendations regarding structural changes in the land-tenurial system, and institutional reforms for the educational and economic uplift of the OBCs were not even noticed. The attention thus got focussed on the fruits rather than the roots and branches of the tree of affirmative action.
Whereas the objective of the Mandal Commission report was the creation of a more egalitarian society, this selective and populist approach introduced an element of inequality among the OBCs themselves. If equal attention had been paid to strengthening the roots and branches of the tree of social justice and the base of the deprived sections of the society strengthened by undertaking structural reforms, it would have resulted in fortifying them from within instead of perennially making them dependant on the crutch of reservation.
And who were the main beneficiaries of this provision? Only the better off among the OBCs — the so-called creamy layer — who already had access to good educational facilities and could outperform their lesser privileged peers at competitive examinations within the reserved quota. This deepened the divide among the OBCs, as those who were already at the top of their community cornered the plum jobs and those at the bottom were left further behind.
At a deeper level, mandalisation was supposed to empower the deprived by giving them access to political power. This has happened in a limited way, as evidenced by the the manner in which every political party is wooing the OBCs by promising them all sorts of concessions. But even this process of empowerment is seriously flawed. Most of the positions of power have been cornered only by a couple of backward castes, and the really deprived communities have been left high and dry. Moreover, instead of identifying themselves with their impoverished communities, the OBC leaders who have risen to the top have adopted the lifestyle and value system of the `upper' castes against whom they had agitated all along. One would have expected these leaders to introduce a new political culture of austerity and self-denial, and adopt a lifestyle which projects them as role-models for the deprived members of their own community. But just the reverse has happened. The dispossessed have the highest stake in democracy, as it is their only hope. But instead of strengthening the Panchayati Raj institutions at the grassroots, the OBC and Dalit leaders are propagating a feudal culture and exclusivist tendencies. Their entire crusade was against the divisive caste system, and they should have tried to build inter-community bridges to eliminate caste hierarchies. But they have created vested interests in narrow caste loyalties to serve personal ends.
It was also hoped that both the Dalits and the OBCs, being victims of the same caste system, would join hands and form a powerful alliance to secure political power and wield it to improve the lot of their historically disadvantaged castes. But the pursuit of narrower personal ends has produced just the opposite result. There exits a lot of antagonism and ill will between these two sections.
But the latest episode in the `demandalisation' drama is being enacted now with the farcical proposals to reserve seats for the economically weaker sections among the `upper' castes. Whereas the Rajasthan Chief Minister wants reservation for the poor among the forward castes, the BJP has upstaged him by not only proposing to constitute a national commission for this purpose, but also by promising to extend them to Muslims. This move not only goes against the basic concept of affirmative action, it also violates the spirit of the Constitution.
Reservation for the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the OBCs has been made under Article 15 (4) of the Constitution which empowers the state to make any "special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes". Now, social backwardness is a structural disability linked to one's caste, and does not vary from generation to generation. Even a rich Dalit suffers from social stigma. But economic backwardness within the same family may vary from time to time. There are any number of rags-to-riches and riches-to-rags stories. Unlike social and educational backwardness, there is no criterion to determine economic backwardness, which is, in any case, a relative term. More importantly, the Constitution does not provide for reservation of jobs for the economically backward. After all, billions of rupees under the Five Year Plans are spent every year for the eradication of poverty and the benefits accrue to all the poor people, including those among the `upper' castes. Of course, Article 16 (4) empowers the State to make job reservation for "any backward class citizens... not adequately represented in the services under the state". But is it anyone's case that the forward castes as a whole are not adequately represented in the services?
But such are the compulsions of blind pursuit of power sans principles that politicians pay scant attention to facts, law or the Constitution, or the social implications of their tactics, if it serves their immediate goal. Look at the latest Government ploy of adding new castes to the Central OBC lists of eight States. As the percentage of people living below poverty line has halved since the implementation of the Mandal report, it should have led to the progressive exclusion of the beneficiary castes from the OBC list. But, defying all logic, the Government has repeatedly enlarged this list, mostly on the eve of elections.
Tuesday, April 25, 2006
how the pocket lights up the face.
how many times have we all said that this cell phone is gettin on my nerves,
too many calls,
too much expenditure,
too much of a nuisance ,
well i certainly have,
eversince i have owned one since the last 9 yrs,
but,
u know what,today i think , that communication has come such a long way,
so what if if it so much of a trouble to take and waste time dwellin over calls and the short service messagin,
so what if has repercussions on the health ,
the earache it causes after u speak on and on for hours,
can anythin replace ,
the feelin , the smile it brings to us, or the person we r talkin to,
when we really want to at any time of the day or night,
so what if we can only hear their voice, and not see them in person,
but we can feel the emotions,
call to check up on anythin,
write an sms,askin someone to please go to sleep,to have dinner even tho she doesent feel like,
ask someone to call so that we can wake up , wll want to when we hear a voice we wanted to hear all night, but had to sleep too,
if silly things like these can be so important,
how important will the important ones be,
even tho graham bell doesent know how thankful we r,
we still r man,
even tho its such a hassle,
we still cant live without,
a voice we long to hear even when the sense of vision does not get its fair share.
too many calls,
too much expenditure,
too much of a nuisance ,
well i certainly have,
eversince i have owned one since the last 9 yrs,
but,
u know what,today i think , that communication has come such a long way,
so what if if it so much of a trouble to take and waste time dwellin over calls and the short service messagin,
so what if has repercussions on the health ,
the earache it causes after u speak on and on for hours,
can anythin replace ,
the feelin , the smile it brings to us, or the person we r talkin to,
when we really want to at any time of the day or night,
so what if we can only hear their voice, and not see them in person,
but we can feel the emotions,
call to check up on anythin,
write an sms,askin someone to please go to sleep,to have dinner even tho she doesent feel like,
ask someone to call so that we can wake up , wll want to when we hear a voice we wanted to hear all night, but had to sleep too,
if silly things like these can be so important,
how important will the important ones be,
even tho graham bell doesent know how thankful we r,
we still r man,
even tho its such a hassle,
we still cant live without,
a voice we long to hear even when the sense of vision does not get its fair share.
Friday, April 07, 2006
the feel of love.
think i shall sleep now, anyways,
havent we all wondered, sometime or the the other ,what love is,what does love feel like,
just imagine every tear from her ,feels as if you're being burned alive,
every laugh, like the world is being born,
every smile like ,the sun is rising just for you.
whenever you're with her, there isn't time, there isn't meaning, there isn't doubt or fear-there's just her.
and when she looks at you.you see it. You see it sitting there, so
beautiful and delicate, and you're almost afraid to
touch it for fear that you might crush it-for what is
so fleeting as a love for which we are to live a
lifetime yet only find once
havent we all wondered, sometime or the the other ,what love is,what does love feel like,
just imagine every tear from her ,feels as if you're being burned alive,
every laugh, like the world is being born,
every smile like ,the sun is rising just for you.
whenever you're with her, there isn't time, there isn't meaning, there isn't doubt or fear-there's just her.
and when she looks at you.you see it. You see it sitting there, so
beautiful and delicate, and you're almost afraid to
touch it for fear that you might crush it-for what is
so fleeting as a love for which we are to live a
lifetime yet only find once
I inhale the sweet breeze that comes from thy mouth, I contemplate thy beauty every day. It's my desire to hear thy lovely voice like the north wind's whiff. Love will rejuvenate my limbs. Give me thy hands that hold thy soul, I shall embrace and live by it. Call me by name again, again, forever, and never will it sound without response.
On An Ancient Egyptian Tomb
On An Ancient Egyptian Tomb
am sure u know dogs like these.
"Let me tell you the most beautiful story I know, a man was given a dog, which he loved very much. The dog went with him everywhere, but the man could not teach it to do anything useful. The dog would not fetch or point, it would not race or protect or stand watch. Instead the dog sat near him and regarded him, always with the same inscrutable expression. 'That's not a dog, it's a wolf,' said the man's wife. 'He alone is faithful to me,' said the man, and his wife never discussed it with him again. One day the man took his dog with him into his private airplane and as they flew over high winter mountains, the engines failed and the airplane was torn to shreds among the trees. The man lay bleeding, his belly torn open by blades of sheared metal, steam rising from his organs in the cold air, but all he could think of was his faithful dog. Was he alive? Was he hurt? Imagine his relief when the dog came padding up and regarded him with that same steady gaze. After an hour the dog nosed the man's gaping abdomen, then began pulling out intestines and spleen and liver and gnawing them, all the while studying the man's face. 'Thank God,' said the man. 'At least one of us will not starve.'" -The God Whispers of Han Quing-jao, Orson Scott Hall
aapkeliye chhoti sarkar.
Look into my eyes and you will see what your love is doing to me. My eyes have learned to smile.
Familiarity, the first myth of reality: What you know the best, you observe the least. Devotion, the second myth of reality: The faithful are most hurt by the objects of their faith.
Conviction, the third myth of reality: Only those who seek the truth can be deceived.
Fellowship, the fourth myth of reality: As the tides of war shift, so do loyalties.
Trust, the fifth myth of reality: Every truth holds the seed of betrayal.
Conviction, the third myth of reality: Only those who seek the truth can be deceived.
Fellowship, the fourth myth of reality: As the tides of war shift, so do loyalties.
Trust, the fifth myth of reality: Every truth holds the seed of betrayal.
busted(dave matthews band)
Not enough, never too much
Baby look just like love
Rolling stone gathers no moss
But leave a trail of busted stuff
You know she's gonna leave my broken heart behind her
I'll take what she's giving up
You know she's gonna leave my broken heart behind her
I'll dig what she's giving up
Move in to kiss those sweet sugar lips
Baby look just like love
Without a care she floats above me
She got me down here looking up
You know she's gonna leave my broken heart behind her
I'll take what she's giving up
You know she's gonna leave this broken man behind
Yeah, yeah...
She the one for me
When she move, she move so cool
Got me feeling just like a fool
But inside, is where the devil rise
Woman look just like love
You know she's gonna leave my broken heart behind
I'll dig what she's giving up
You know she's gonna leave this broken man behind
Oh, yeah
She the one
She the one
She the one for me
Yeah...
You know she's gonna leave this broken man behind
Oh, yeah.....
Baby look just like love
Rolling stone gathers no moss
But leave a trail of busted stuff
You know she's gonna leave my broken heart behind her
I'll take what she's giving up
You know she's gonna leave my broken heart behind her
I'll dig what she's giving up
Move in to kiss those sweet sugar lips
Baby look just like love
Without a care she floats above me
She got me down here looking up
You know she's gonna leave my broken heart behind her
I'll take what she's giving up
You know she's gonna leave this broken man behind
Yeah, yeah...
She the one for me
When she move, she move so cool
Got me feeling just like a fool
But inside, is where the devil rise
Woman look just like love
You know she's gonna leave my broken heart behind
I'll dig what she's giving up
You know she's gonna leave this broken man behind
Oh, yeah
She the one
She the one
She the one for me
Yeah...
You know she's gonna leave this broken man behind
Oh, yeah.....
Monday, March 27, 2006
love dont live here anymore
Baby don't you want me to go
So honey, why don't you beg me to stay
For love, and talk the way we used to talk
Till we both know what we've lost
Never say the words we did before
When it was over
Love ain't here anymore
Love ain't here anymore
It's gone away, to a town called yesterday
Love ain't here anymore
Listen, oh listen, I don't wanna let go
So maybe we can change the way we feel
For love, and open up the way we did before
Now is the right time
And I'm sure you'd never say the words you did
Until you knew it was over
Love ain't here anymore
Love ain't here anymore
It's gone away, to a town called yesterday
Love ain't here anymore
And when I find a place for me to keep my sweet love
Then I will leave it there forever more, yeah
And when I find someone to share I'll never give up
I will hold you and believe that this life leads to more
Love ain't here anymore
Love ain't here anymore
It's gone away, to a town called yesterday
Love ain't here anymore
So honey, why don't you beg me to stay
For love, and talk the way we used to talk
Till we both know what we've lost
Never say the words we did before
When it was over
Love ain't here anymore
Love ain't here anymore
It's gone away, to a town called yesterday
Love ain't here anymore
Listen, oh listen, I don't wanna let go
So maybe we can change the way we feel
For love, and open up the way we did before
Now is the right time
And I'm sure you'd never say the words you did
Until you knew it was over
Love ain't here anymore
Love ain't here anymore
It's gone away, to a town called yesterday
Love ain't here anymore
And when I find a place for me to keep my sweet love
Then I will leave it there forever more, yeah
And when I find someone to share I'll never give up
I will hold you and believe that this life leads to more
Love ain't here anymore
Love ain't here anymore
It's gone away, to a town called yesterday
Love ain't here anymore
price of love
wish i could sing this to u myself my dear, Girl sometimes it seems to me
That i don't say the things i should
To you i act like i'm no good
And you wait for me patiently
This house
Is not a home without you
It takes two hearts to share
Your eyes will always see through me
And bring me to my knees
And i will always turn to you
You're everything i need
And through the good and bad times
You have always been there
We hold each other close
You tell me its alright
The nights we fight about it
Never dream of giving up
That's the price of love
Love sometimes it makes us cry
Forgive me when i get it wrong
Sometimes it's hard
To be that strong
And oh i would do anything
For you i'd turn the stars around
I'd find the way somehow
This time you'll see i'll build
A bridge to you again
Love shines to sweep away the past
We're more than lovers more than friends
And through the good and bad times
You have always been there
We hold each other tight you tell me it's alright
The nights we fight about it
Never think of giving up
That¹s the price of love
Your eyes will always see through me
And bring me to my knees
And i will always turn to you
You're everything i need
And through the good and bad times
You have always been there
We hold each other close you tell me its alright
And sometimes i can't give enough
That's the price of love
That's the price of love
That's the price of love
That i don't say the things i should
To you i act like i'm no good
And you wait for me patiently
This house
Is not a home without you
It takes two hearts to share
Your eyes will always see through me
And bring me to my knees
And i will always turn to you
You're everything i need
And through the good and bad times
You have always been there
We hold each other close
You tell me its alright
The nights we fight about it
Never dream of giving up
That's the price of love
Love sometimes it makes us cry
Forgive me when i get it wrong
Sometimes it's hard
To be that strong
And oh i would do anything
For you i'd turn the stars around
I'd find the way somehow
This time you'll see i'll build
A bridge to you again
Love shines to sweep away the past
We're more than lovers more than friends
And through the good and bad times
You have always been there
We hold each other tight you tell me it's alright
The nights we fight about it
Never think of giving up
That¹s the price of love
Your eyes will always see through me
And bring me to my knees
And i will always turn to you
You're everything i need
And through the good and bad times
You have always been there
We hold each other close you tell me its alright
And sometimes i can't give enough
That's the price of love
That's the price of love
That's the price of love
Sunday, March 26, 2006
ahHoly diver you've been down too long in the midnight sea oh what's becoming of meRide the tiger you can see his stripes but you know he's clean oh don't you see what I meanGotta get away holy diver yeahGot shiny diamonds like the eyes of a cat in the black and blue something is coming for you look outRace for the morning you can hide in the sun 'till you see the light oh we will pray it's all rightGotta get away get awayBetween the velvet lies there's a truth that's hard as steel yeahThe vision never dies life's a never ending wheel sayHoly diver you're the star of the masquerade no need to look so afraid jump jumpJump on the tiger you can feel his heart but you know he's mean some light can never be seen yeahHoly diver you've been down too long in the midnight sea oh what's becoming of me no noRide the tiger you can see his stripes but you know he's clean oh don't you see what I meanGotta get away get away gotta get away get awayHoly diver sole survivor your honour's cleanHoly diver holy diver never cut in the middle comin' after you holy diverOh holy diver yeah alright get away get away get away
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